The two Asims of Pakistan

It’s going to be the tale of the two Asims in Pakistan. One Asim as army chief is now known for having shook the country by destroying a legitimate political party and dividing the army. The other seems to have assisted him, but is far more the accepted product in terms of his background. As the new Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief, Lt Gen Asim Malik will be one of the most powerful men in the country, towering above the elected’ government, and almost everybody else. With power comes trouble. A lot of it. He’s going to have to choose which dragon he has to slay.
The details of his career have been released by State broadcasters – though not by the director general Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), which states simply that Malik graduated from Fort Leavenworth in the United States (US) and the Royal College of Defence Studies in London and currently serves as an adjutant general to army HQ. He is to take over on September 30. That means that unlike the other Asim – army chief Asim Munir – he ticks all the right boxes. He was the chief instructor at the National Defence University in Islamabad and an instructor at the Command and Staff College Quetta. Chief of army chief, Munir, came into the Pakistan army through the far less prestigious Mangla Officers Training School, and only served in Saudi Arabia. But he did choose the upmarket Asim for his ISI chief. That’s not surprising. The officer seems to have a penchant for trouble. He served both in Waziristan and Balochistan. And far more importantly, he was in the powerful post of adjutant general in the army during the May 9 protests. In that post, he would have had full overview of matters of discipline, vigilance and access to all officers records of the army. In the crackdown which took place after the riots, Munir would have had a major role. That included the sacking of at least three senior officers including a lieutenant general who refused to fire on the protestors. In any other country, he would have been feted. Some 105 of those arrested were charged under a new section of the Official Secrets Act (OSA), which the government amended to punish anyone who “approaches, inspects, passes over or is in the vicinity of, or enters, attacks, destroys or otherwise undermines any prohibited place”. The decision to use army courts to try civilians – which essentially denies the right of appeal – was also made during his tenure. Don’t forget that the judge advocate general (JAG) comes directly under the adjutant general. This is one general who’s just one step behind his boss. That may or may not be good for him. Remember the last one who held his post is deeply in trouble. No saying whether an army chief or corps commander of the future will hold a grudge.
So, what are likely to be his biggest issues? Most important is that he would again have to pore over all those files he has in this present post, to examine just how many in the army are tired of his boss’s incessant paranoia. After all, it’s not just that Lt Gen Faiz Hameed who was arrested. Along with him were a clutch of other officers accused of having supported him, in his ‘business ventures’ and relatives of army officers, including the granddaughter of former army chief General Asif Janjua , who was shackled and led away. These are not issues that are likely to sit well with a large section of the army who is watching all this with dismay.
The second most serious issue that the new ISI chief has to face up to is the evidence of a huge degree of radicalism within the country. That was most recently evident in the Umerkot case, where a well-regarded doctor accused of blasphemy, gave himself up to the police to ‘prove his innocence’ and was killed by them. A mob also burnt down his clinic. Mob vigilantism on blasphemy charges are nothing new. Neither are the actions of the courts in committing some 400 young persons on blasphemy charges. That the security forces have now decided to literally execute such cases is what is serious. If this spreads, as it seems to be doing, there’s no end to it. Already the Chinese have asked Pakistan that it would like to bring in its own security forces, something for which it has been pressing for some time. A number of Chinese private security firms are already up and running, none of which is good for a country’s sovereignty. After all, law and order is a vital function of a State. And here’s the linked problem. It’s not at all clear how many within the army have been infected by this virus.
The third issue is the huge rise in terrorism that has spread inwards from the border areas. Available data indicates that Pakistan witnessed as many as 245 terror attacks, during the first quarter of 2024, with much of this concentrated in Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. But other states like Sindh and Gilgit Baltistan also received their share, with the latter seeing attacks by the Tehrik-e-Taliban against the Chinese. Separately, a convoy of foreign diplomats was hit by an improvised explosive device, while police stations are almost routinely under attack. Then are the frequent cross border attacks between Afghanistan and Pakistan, which has killed an unknown number of Frontier Corps personnel. The Iran-Pakistan border has seen even more trouble, with Tehran launching attacks on terror camps inside Balochistan. On the west, the Line of Control with India has remained quiet, and the ceasefire agreement holds. But if terror provocations against India increase, that border could also go up in flames. Apart from fatalities, war – which is what it is though at a low level – is an expensive business. And Pakistan’s neighbours are all tired of Rawalpindi’s antics.
Last of all is the most serious, at least to Munir himself. Following the Malik’s relentless attacks against his own people carries severe risks. Apart from the virtual decimation of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf – which shows no signs of abating its activities – there is a distinct threat from those officers junior to him in the hierarchy, who will eventually man the highest posts. It would be well if Malik junior advised his boss to lay off attacking the Indians, and mend fences quickly, before every border goes up in smoke. Peace with India will buy time for Rawalpindi to deal with everything else including a flood of narcotics. There has been a surge in methamphetamine production recently, and it’s not entirely from Afghanistan. As ISI chief, Malik has to convince his senior name sake, that it’s time for a reset in thinking and strategising. Past policies have failed, and failed badly.
This article is authored by Tara Kartha, director (research and analysis), Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi.